Although there is no published study exploring the relationship between the viewing of televised soccer and domestic abuse, there is a body of research that suggests this association could exist. Although commentators argue the complexity of domestic abuse requires a multifaceted explanation, attempts to explain it have generally fallen between individual and social–structural accounts (Robinson 2010). Individual or psychological explanations high- light the importance of personal factors, an example being ‘‘social learning theory’’ that argues specific behavior is determined through watching others. As commentators have argued, ‘‘Being a victim of physical abuse, or witnessing the abuse of other family members, teaches boys to become violent’’ (Bevan and Higgins 2002:225), and ‘‘the girl, seeing her mother as a victim of violence, chooses a violent partner and . . . becomes the victim’’ (Lockton and Ward 1997:29), thereby creating a cycle of violence (Fagan 2005). Other psychological explanations include mental health problems (which can also emanate from a difficult upbringing), posttrau- matic stress disorder, anxiety, depression,bubble football poor anger management, dissociation, frustration, and substance abuse.
Conversely, social–structural explanations, often created through feminist-led research, have focused on wider cultural factors, specifically the imbalance of power between males and females. In this way, violence is viewed as a symptom of wider situational concerns, being ‘‘ . . . . both a product and an expression (or ‘performance’) of socialisation,bubble football uk, and acculturation into narrow and persisting values of ‘being a man’, and into a society underpinned by asymmetrical power relations’’ (Thurston and Beynon 1995:181). ‘‘Lashing out at their partner can therefore be used to endorse impressions of masculinity or serve as a cathartic release to feelings of male inadequacy generated through social problems such as unemployment, poverty, or everyday stresses’’ (Agnew 1985:151). Indeed, an increase in domestic abuse has been associated with periods of high unemployment (Lockton and Ward 1997:28) and recession (Morris and O’ Grady 2009).
Turning more specifically toward soccer, the game has experienced a long cultural association with both violence and masculinity. Carnibella et al. (1996) have pointed out that general acts of violence have been asso- ciated with the game since its origins in thirteenth-century England and observed across much of Europe; specifically England, Italy, the Nether- lands, Germany, Spain, France, Czech Republic, Greece, and Albania. In fact, Quigg, Hughes, and Bellis (2012) found the 2010 world cup tourna- ment was associated with a 37.5 percent rise in admission rates across 15 hospital emergency departments on England match days. There also appears a similar phenomenon with American football; Rees and Schnepel (2009) found increased reports of assault, vandalism, and arrests for disor- derly conduct and alcohol-related offences while monitoring six seasons of college football. Similar to domestic abuse, commentators argue there is no universal explanation for football-associated violence explaining different reasons exist, dependent on country and situation. However, such explana- Zorb football tions again generally follow individual and sociocultural explanations. For example, studies have suggested that testosterone levels increase in individ- uals when watching football matches, a chemical associated with an upsurge in aggression, causing Bernhardt et al. (1998:59) to observe that fans identify with team success or failure as their own. Further, Swain (2000:103) argued, ‘‘Football (soccer) is full of aggressive intent, about winners and losers, territorial, space-occupying domination, and where loyalty and commitment to the side are prized values.’’
Although no prior study has associated soccer with domestic violence, this correlation has already been established with American Football. Card and Dahl (2011) found that home-based male-on-female partner violence increased by 10 percent following a televised upset loss, experienced by their home National Football League team. This behavior was concentrated at the end of the game and became more pronounced for the most important matches. Other situational factors have also been associated with interper- sonal conflict. Television influences both attitude and behavior not only because of the content but because it generates changes in interpersonal interaction (Dahl and DellaVigna 2009). Gantz, Wang, and Bradley (2006) established that program preference disputes between husbands and wives are greatest when watching televised sports. Similarly, in the United Kingdom, there has been a move to display soccer games on large screens in public bars bringing individuals together in confined social spaces. Finally, alcohol is a commonly observed factor associated with both football violence and domestic abuse. The risk of partner violence is ‘‘often increased by excessive drinking and poorly managed emotions’’ (Baron 2010), a finding supported by Gayford (1975:196) who, surveying 100 domestic violence victims articulated a picture, ‘‘… of men with low frustration tolerance, who often completely lose control under the influence of alcohol.’’ Indeed, one study highlighted alcohol consumption as a con- tributory factor in 36 percent of domestic abuse cases (Lockton and Ward 1997:28).
These facilitators play a significant bubble soccer role in theories that enhance the importance of context when understanding and reducing crime. Rational choice theory (Felson 2002), for example, argues crime occurs as a result of the normal rhythms of everyday life. In this way, commentators have established domestic violence occurs more frequently on weekends (Gantz et al. 2006; Vazquez, Stohr, and Purkiss 2005) and on exceptionally warm days and major holidays (Card and Dahl 2011). Although Oths and Robert- son (2007) reported no increase in women seeking refuge in ‘‘safe houses’’ during established ‘‘drinking holidays’’ (i.e., the U.S. Superbowl), the fact they were more likely to flee during extended school holidays makes it possible this decision making was more aligned to pragmatism than the level of incidents. What does appear clear is that situations have an effect on offending patterns and as new situations are generated they create the condi- tions for further offences to take place. Extending this view, it is possible to imagine how watching the world cup tournament (even remotely) in close proximity to others can heighten the stressors associated with domestic abuse.
